On November 5, two Iranian warships docked at the port of Jakarta, the capital of Indonesia, to lead a nearly week-long "peacekeeping mission" in the island nation. Iran's sole cruiser Irins Makron and light frigate Irins Dena are part of a fleet of Iranian navy ships sailing around the world on a goodwill tour to deliver Tehran's message of "peace and friendship" to the world.
The visit had all the hallmarks of port diplomacy: plenty of photo opportunities, press tours and an official tour of Indonesia's naval headquarters. The Iranian sailors had the opportunity to train with their Indonesian counterparts, visit an Islamic center and visit the city of Jakarta.
The content of the formal meeting between the two navies was not unusual. The two sides discussed the cadet exchange program of commercial ships of Iran and Indonesia and the security of international sea lanes.
This is not the first time that Iran's navy has visited Indonesia. Earlier this year in 2020, an Iranian naval logistics ship named IRNS Kharg, carrying around 300 naval cadets, docked at Jakarta's Tanjung Priok port to celebrate 70 years of bilateral relations.
While such visits may appear to be naval diplomacy, Indonesia's diplomatic approach as a Muslim-majority country raises concerns about the Sunni-Shia divide and Iranian interests in Southeast Asia.
There are undoubtedly differences between Indonesia and Iran. Indonesia is a vibrant democracy with the world's largest Sunni population. On the other hand, Iran is an Islamic theocracy with the largest Shia population in the world. While Indonesia maintains good relations with Washington and works to develop regional norms, Iran actively seeks to undermine the US-led global order.
Despite these clear differences, Indonesia and Iran have enjoyed relatively good relations since the 1950s. They survived the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the democratization of Indonesia. The relationship continues to grow today. Last month, Tehran and Jakarta completed the sixth round of negotiations for a preferential trade agreement between Indonesia and Iran. The agreement includes trade relations, tariff reduction and facilitation of financial transactions between the two countries. Indonesia and Iran are also considering expanding cooperation in parliamentary and judicial matters, and Indonesian President Joko Widodo and Iranian President Ibrahim Raisi stressed the importance of expanding bilateral ties in a phone call earlier this year.
To understand why Iranian troops are in Jakarta and why Iran-Indonesia relations continue today, it is important to acknowledge the continuity of Indonesia's foreign policy tradition.
Since its independence in 1945, Indonesia has based its foreign policy on the principle of armed struggle and active or known as "free and active". Described by Indonesia's First Vice President, Mohammad Hatta, as a "watershed between two rocks", Indonesia has long sought to avoid becoming embroiled in a great power rivalry while at the same time actively participating in world affairs. .
In what Indonesia traditionally refers to as the middle path or 'middle way' , Jakarta seeks to maintain and enhance its strategic autonomy by pitting opposing powers against each other. As Jakarta did in the great power race during the Cold War and the era of strategic competition between Beijing and Washington, Indonesia has always sought a neutral position in regional rivalries in the Middle East. . Indonesia's approach to Iran, as well as Iran's bitter rivalry with Saudi Arabia, is no exception.
Although Indonesia has little involvement in Middle Eastern politics, its relationship with Saudi Arabia is undeniably important. This year in 2019, before the Covid-19 pandemic, more than 200,000 Indonesians made the pilgrimage to Mecca. Millions more are on the waiting list.
Economic ties are also important. More than a million Indonesians work in Saudi Arabia, sending remittances back to their families and the Indonesian economy. Riyadh's foreign investment in Indonesia cannot be ignored either. Recently, Jakarta sought Saudi funds to finance a major $32 billion project to relocate the capital from the island of Java to Borneo.
Saudi Arabia is spending billions building religious mosques and universities and offering religious scholarships to Indonesian students, ostensibly to promote its own conservative Islam. Riyadh's efforts appear to have paid off as religious protections have increased in Indonesia in recent years.
However, Indonesia's relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran show that the spread of Saudi Wahhabism has not infiltrated Indonesia's foreign policy. Stay active for free on the track.
We can see this clearly when we look at Indonesia's willingness to criticize Saudi Arabia and oppose its relationship with Iran. For example, Indonesia has protested the abuse of its domestic workers in the state and requested a temporary ban on its citizens from working. When Saudi Arabia's King Salman visited Indonesia in 2016 as part of a regional tour to encourage investment, Jokowi visited Tehran the same year to offset the Saudi proposal.
Jakarta understands that Saudi Arabia is deeply concerned about Tehran's small but growing influence in Indonesia. He realized that Iran was isolated on the world stage and that it would abandon the ideology of Sunni-Shia separation and pursue a real strategic trade and economic partnership. It marks the friendship between Sunni-dominated Indonesia and Shia-dominated Iran.
On the other hand, Tehran has benefited greatly from its relationship with Jakarta. In keeping with its tradition of neutrality, Indonesia remained silent on Iran's internal affairs from the overthrow of the Shah during the 1979 Iranian Revolution until the 1980 Iran–Iraq War. In 2008, Dr. nuclear program. This year he abstained from voting on a proposal to extend the arms embargo on Iran until 2020.
However, according to Indonesia, which is in the middle, Jakarta does not shy away from taking risks in this relationship, preferring to find a new balance with Iran. For example, in 2021, the Indonesian Navy arrested an Iranian crude oil tanker suspected of illegally transporting oil in Indonesian waters. Jakarta also supports a UN resolution that plans to impose sanctions on Iran's uranium enrichment program.
The arrival of the Iranian Navy in Jakarta should not be exaggerated. This is a common practice in naval diplomacy, and Indonesia is one of several stops on the Iranian Navy's international volunteer tour. What is notable is the implementation of Indonesia's long tradition of foreign policy. Jakarta's approach to Iran, and indeed its approach to the wider Iran-Saudi rivalry, has nothing to do with the Sunni-Shia divide. Rather, it is foreign policy pragmatism at its best.
